Monday, March 12, 2007
A Friend Of Saul A.
"I wouldn't be a U.S. senator or out of Chicago or a presidential candidate from Illinois if I didn't have some sense of the world as it actually works. When I arrived in Chicago at the age of twenty-four, I didn't know a single person in Chicago, and I know an awful lot of folks now. And so, obviously, some of that has to do with me being pretty clear-eyed about power,"
Friday, March 09, 2007
Another Perspective
Right wingers join in the fight for equality
Hey, I've been looking at the Cpl. Matt Sanchez story from the wrong perspective. Since the right wing bloggers know that Sanchez "has engaged in...a homosexual act or acts," but aren't calling for his expulsion from the military, I think we can assume they no longer support the "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" policy. Awesome! Welcome to the party, people!
Department Of Injustice
On Sunday the NY Times urged a "must do" list for the administration:
(1) restore habeas corpus,
(2) stop illegal spying, really,
(3) close the CIA prisons,
(4) account for "ghost prisoners,"
(5) ban extraordinary rendition,
(6) tighten the definition of "illegal enemy combatant,"
(7) screen prisoners fairly and effectively,
(8) ban tainted evidence,
(9) ban secret evidence,
(10) better define "classified" evidence,
(11) respect the right to counsel.
But these are just symptoms of the disease that rules The Bush Presidency.
A more comprehensive approach to curing the disease is proposed by Scott Horton here.
Some Key Quotes:
other factors now also appear paramount in this process, including allegiance to the notion of an executive which is not coequal but supreme, or at least vastly more powerful in certain fields (such as war-making, foreign relations and national security) than the other branches. Finally, as Marty Lederman has noted - very astutely in my view - the concept of immunity (or more precisely, impunity) for the executive and its agents plays an increasingly potent role in this process.
....
barely veiled threats, and a number of cases - most significantly involving ending life support to a woman in Florida - show the sort of vicious attacks that can be unleashed on judges who fail to toe the line. In particular, the Bush Administration's agenda here is a complement to its judicial nominations strategy, buttressing a bench packed with ideological adherents by intimidating more moderate and less ideological judges into silence.
...
The Bush Administration has developed the persecution of whistleblowers into a new art form. Whistleblowers who avail themselves of the formal channels find themselves immediately under attack - they face immediate disciplinary review, firing, and harassment and persecution even after their termination.
...
By and large Bush Administration inspectors general understand their role to be this: persecute and silence whistleblowers. Humiliate them. Do whatever you can to make their claims seem ridiculous or not credible. And above all, protect political appointees in the administration.
...
In my career, I witnessed vicious repression of defense counsel in the Soviet Union, Uzbekistan, Zimbabwe and Cuba. I certainly never expected to see it in America. But under the Bush Administration, it has arrived. The particular victims are counsel who volunteer on a pro bono basis - doing a public service - to handle cases for prisoners in the "War on Terror," but detailed JAG lawyers have also taken their blows. These lawyers have been routinely denigrated and attacked by the Administration : Major Dan Mori was recently told by the Gitmo chief prosecutor that criminal charges might be brought against him for his criticisms of the Military Commissions process.
Again I stress, this is so much more important than Scooter....
John Mitchell Smiles Down From Up-Above
The bigger scandal, however, almost surely involves prosecutors still in office. The Gonzales Eight were fired because they wouldn’t go along with the Bush administration’s politicization of justice. But statistical evidence suggests that many other prosecutors decided to protect their jobs or further their careers by doing what the administration wanted them to do: harass Democrats while turning a blind eye to Republican malfeasance.
Donald Shields and John Cragan, two professors of communication, have compiled a database of investigations and/or indictments of candidates and elected officials by U.S. attorneys since the Bush administration came to power. Of the 375 cases they identified, 10 involved independents, 67 involved Republicans, and 298 involved Democrats. The main source of this partisan tilt was a huge disparity in investigations of local politicians, in which Democrats were seven times as likely as Republicans to face Justice Department scrutiny.
How can this have been happening without a national uproar? The authors explain: “We believe that this tremendous disparity is politically motivated and it occurs because the local (non-statewide and non-Congressional) investigations occur under the radar of a diligent national press. Each instance is treated by a local beat reporter as an isolated case that is only of local interest.”
And let’s not forget that Karl Rove’s candidates have a history of benefiting from conveniently timed federal investigations. Last year Molly Ivins reminded her readers of a curious pattern during Mr. Rove’s time in Texas: “In election years, there always seemed to be an F.B.I. investigation of some sitting Democrat either announced or leaked to the press. After the election was over, the allegations often vanished.”
Remove Penis, Insert Foot
I have known gay people like this .... OK, I knew one Gay person like this. And the desire to be part of 'the elite' was more powerful than any amount of information documenting the Party's definition of itself as the people against gay people (forget about issues of competency or profligacy).
Stockholm Syndrome baby, Stockholm Syndrome.
Anyway, Here's MattRod
Was I totally clueless? ... There are others of us, however, like me, who have the kinds of résumés that can keep everybody around the office water cooler smirking for days.
Up until last weekend, Salon and the rest of the left-wing media had largely ignored me. Given the left's constant talk about equality, discrimination, minority rights and systemic oppression, I thought the fact that I was a Hispanic, a Marine, a nontraditional, 36-year-old Ivy League student and a 100 percent flag-waving red-blooded Reagan Republican would make my point of view interesting, but so be it. Everything is political now, and even the double standards have talking points.
[whines like a baby - GT12]
... I never imagined that I could become a "public figure" without facing scrutiny. And I sought attention. I'm the first to admit that I want to be heard, read and taken seriously. But some issues are complex, and some really are simple. People complain of a lack of depth in public discourse and the way complicated debates get compressed into meaningless sound bites. Well, porn is just ... porn. Self-explanatory and without depth. The pictures do the talking, and however many pictures there may be in video stores or warehouses or online, they still don't have anything interesting to say. I am concerned, though, that they may make some people feel inadequate. As a conservative, I like to insist on equal opportunity, even if some do start off with more than others.
...
How does a conservative trace his roots to such distasteful beginnings? I didn't like porn's liberalism. In porn, everything taboo is trivialized and everything trivial is magnified.
...
By the way, as a political minority on the Columbia campus, people are always asking me, "How can you be a conservative? They're so hateful." That wasn't the feeling I got when I accepted my award. And it's not what I've been hearing from the conservative community since my "outing."
If I Should Fall From Grace With God
Here you are, the brilliant Pogues. Much has been said about Shane McGowan's chemical maintenance regime but no one ever tells you just how amazingly together his bands and his vocals are, even though he looks like he could just tilt backwards at any time. An unusually compelling performer.
Parnell
Biggar and O'Connor Power also had links with the Irish Republican Brotherhood, a physical force Irish organisation that had mounted a disastrously inept attempt at rebellion in 1867. The question of Parnell's closeness to the IRB, and whether indeed he ever joined the organisation, has been a matter of academic debate for a century. The evidence suggests that later, following the signing of the Kilmainham Treaty, Parnell did take the IRB oath, possibly for tactical reasons.[3]
Parnell fundamentally changed the Home Rule League. He restructured it from top to bottom, creating a well-organised grass roots structure and membership to replace the League's previous informal grouping, in which MPs regularly voted differently on issues or did not come to the House of Commons at all. In 1882 he changed its name to the Irish Parliamentary Party and in 1884 imposed a strict party oath obliging its MPs to vote en bloc. The creation of a strict party whip and formal party structure was unique in politics. The Irish Parliamentary Party is generally seen as the first modern British political party, its efficient structure and control contrasting with the loose rules and informality found in the main British parties, who came to model their party structures on the Parnellite model.
In 1882, Parnell dissolved the Land League, and founded the National League to campaign on broader issues.
Parnell's reputation was high but the scandal crippled this support. As a direct consequence of the O'Shea divorce, the Unionist movement in Ulster gained strength, as they espoused puritan values and they began to see the Home Rule movement as "morally wrong". Parnell refused to resign, leading to a party split between Parnellites and Anti-Parnellites.
Parnell was deposed as leader and fought a long and bitter campaign for re-instatement. He conducted a political tour of Ireland to regain popular support, attracting Fenian "hillside men" to his side. He married Katharine on 25 June 1891 in Steyning, West Sussex, on which day the Roman Catholic Church hierarchy issued a near-unanimous condemnation of his conduct (only Edward O'Dwyer of Limerick withheld his signature).[12] He lost the support of the Freeman's Journal. On the difficult campaign trail he had quicklime thrown at his eyes by a hostile crowd in Castlecomer, County Kilkenny. Fr. PJ Ryan, a Land League protagonist, immediately called in medical aid, which was given him by his brother, Dr Valentine Ryan of Carlow Town, a Home Rule sympathiser. On 27 September Parnell addressed a crowd in pouring rain at Creggs on the Galway–Roscommon border and contracted pneumonia.
Thursday, March 08, 2007
Bringing The Right To the Light
from Alexander Mooney-->
WASHINGTON (CNN) -- Rep. Walter Jones, R-North Carolina, one of the 17 Republicans who voted with House Democrats last month on their resolution opposing sending more troops to Iraq, signaled Thursday he supported the plan proposed by Democratic leaders today to lay out a specific timeline to withdraw U.S. troops.
"Conceptually I like what's been proposed...I think this is on the right track," he said.Jones praised the benchmarks in the plan and the inclusion of a date certain for beginning a withdrawal of US troops.
Asked about the GOP leadership's opposition to the plan, Jones asked "what progress do we have?" He added "we should have never gone into Iraq. It's one reason Scooter Libby was convicted. We've got to find an end point and declare victory."
Jones said it was too early to say how many Republicans could vote with Democrats on the bill.
Coultergeist Exorcism
have now dropped Ann Coulter, and the president of the Universal Press Syndicate is under mounting pressure to stop distributing her columns altogether. Greg Sargent is tracking the latest developments.
Because, You Know Darling, It Is Better To Look Good Than To Feel Good
"We did not go public with these concerns, because we did not want to undermine the confidence of the patients and their families and give the Army a black eye while fighting a war."
-- Rep. Bill Young (R-FL), quoted by CQ, on why he did not go public with his knowledge of Walter Reed Army Medical Center’s problems when Republicans controlled Congress.
The Devil's In The Dollars
Fields Of Athenry
This video joins a wonderful traditional version of the song with great historical images.
This version features Dropkick Murphys significantly less traditional version (one you can slam-dance to). And you get to hear how well everybody knows the words. Great fun.
Watch 'em both.
Mr TW Asks ...
Latin hunk Joe knows a good thing when he sees it, and unbuckles pony-tailed black Rod's pants to **** his thick ******* too. Scruffy Cougar, left to his own devices, ***** his ever-**** ***** before Rod shoves his **** down his ****** and ******-***** his moist ******. Rod must not have done a good enough job because Cougar pushes Rod's fingers aside and ****** himself with his own ******* during hot ********* action. Rod proceeds to ***** into Cougar's ******** and ***** him in a leather sling in a jail cell. (from a synopsis of Everybody Does It, Tenderloin Productions, 1995)
BUT, he's not just a pretty tool ...
Joe. My. God. gives us this:
If you are familiar with Cpl. Matt Sanchez, you probably know him as the handsome 36-year old Columbia University junior and USMC reservist who recently made the rounds of right-wing talk shows like O'Reilly Factor and Hannity & Colmes, where he received praise for coming forward and complaining about his treatment at the hands of Columbia's "radical anti-military students" who called him names and mocked his military service. Sanchez was then feted at the CPAC conference where Ann Coulter made her "faggot" remark. Sanchez wrote an op-ed piece on the Columbia experience for the NY Post and began a blog and MySpace page chronicling his media exposure.
Famine
The Great Famine or the Great Hunger (Irish: An Gorta Mór or An Drochshaol) is the name given to the famine in Ireland between 1845 and 1849. The Famine was due to the appearance of "the (potato) Blight" (also known as phytophthora)– the oomycete that almost instantly destroyed the primary food source for the majority of the island's population. [citation needed]The immediate after-effects of The Famine continued until 1851. Much is unrecorded, and various estimates suggest that between 500,000 and more than one million people died in the three years from 1846 to 1849 as a result of hunger or disease.[citation needed] Some two million refugees are attributed to the Great Hunger (estimates vary), and much the same number of people emigrated to Great Britain, the United States, Canada, and Australia (see the Irish Diaspora).
A notable difference between the Famine and other humanitarian crises was that it occurred within the imperial homeland, [citation needed]at a time well into the modern prosperity of the Victorian and Industrial age. With respect to geography, the famine would appear to belie many of the typical circumstances in which imperialist dismissal of native plight often occurred. With respect to era, the famine came at a crossroads of old world and modern world.[citation needed]
The immediate effect on Ireland was devastating, and its long-term effects proved immense, permanently changing Irish culture and tradition. Though human suffering during the famine was never photographed, the event immediately and profoundly altered the course of generations of Irish and Irish diaspora.In the 16th century plantations of the country were undertaken under Mary I and Elizabeth I. The plantations in Laois, Offaly and Antrim did not survive, but the plantation of Ulster fundamentally established an English Protestant presence. In 1649 Oliver Cromwell's forces defeated the Confederate and Royalist coalition in Ireland and occupied the country, bringing to an end the Irish Confederate Wars. He passed a very harsh series of Penal laws against Roman Catholics and confiscated almost all of their land. The Parliamentarian reconquest of Ireland was extremely brutal, and Cromwell is still a hated figure in Ireland.
A practice of consolidation of lands into large estates was widespread in Europe, but in Ireland it was exacerbated by the discriminatory laws applied to Presbyterians and Roman Catholics, favoring the Anglicans of the Church of Ireland, a state religion under the British Crown. By the time of The Great Hunger these discriminatory laws had been repealed, but not before irreparably biasing large land-ownership to Protestant, English, and often non-resident, landlords.
English control of the lasted until the establishment of Irish independence — the Irish Free State, the Irish War of Independence and the Anglo-Irish Treaty.
The local practice known as "subdivision", whereby lands and property were divided equally among male heirs (instead of being inherited by the first-born son) meant that over each generation the size of a tenant farm was reduced, as it was split between all living sons. By the 1840s, however subdivision was increasingly only found among the poorest people on the smallest farms.
In 1845, for example, 24% of all Irish tenant farms were of 0.4 to 2 hectares (one to five acres) in size, while 40% were of two to six hectares (five to fifteen acres). This included marshland and bogland that could not be used for food production. As a result, holdings were so small that the only crop that could be grown in sufficient quantities, and which provided sufficient nourishment to feed a family, was potatoes. A British Government report carried out shortly before the Great Hunger noted that the scale of the poverty was such that one third of all small holdings in Ireland were presumed to be unable to support their families, after paying their rent, other than through the earnings of seasonal migrant labour in England and Scotland.[1]
As a result, the Irish landholding system in the 1840s was already in serious trouble. Many of the big estates, as a result of earlier agricultural crises, were heavily mortgaged and in financial difficulty. Ten percent were eventually bankrupted by the Great Hunger.[citation needed] Below that level were mass tenancies, lacking long-term leases, rent control and security of tenure, many of them through subdivision so small that the tenants were struggling to survive in good years, and almost fully dependent on potatoes because they alone could be grown in sufficient quantity and nutritional value on the land left to native ownership, while many tons of cattle and other foodstuffs from estates were exported by absentee British landlords to foreign markets. Furthermore, any desire of tenants to increase the productivity of their land was actively discouraged by the threat that any increase in land value would lead to a disproportionately high increase in rent.
Another incriminating aspect, central to the issue of starvation, is food production and distribution. Records show the productivity of Irish lands under English rule exported vast amounts of food produced in Ireland to England. When Ireland experienced an earlier famine of 1782-83, ports were closed in order to keep home grown food for domestic consumption. Food prices were immediately reduced within Ireland. The merchants lobbied against such efforts, but their protests were over-ridden. It was recognized that the interests of the merchants and the distressed people were irreconcilable, and moreover the English system of controls were not as entrenched as they would later be. In the Great Famine, English landowners presided over the continued production of crops for sale in England while peasant Irish starved.
During the first nine months of "Black '47" the export of grain-derived alcohol from Ireland to England included the following: 874,170 gallons of porter, 278,658 gallons of Guinness, and 183,392 gallons of whiskey. A wide variety of commodities left Ireland during 1847, including peas,beans, onions, rabbits, salmon, oysters, herring, lard, honey, tongues,animal skins, rags, shoes, soap, glue and seed. The most shocking export figures concern butter. Butter was shipped in firkins, each one holding nine gallons. In the first nine months of 1847, 56,557 firkins were exported from Ireland to Bristol, and 34,852 firkins were shipped to Liverpool. That works out to be 822,681 gallons of butter exported to England from Ireland during nine months of the worst year of "famine". Kinealy's research ostsensibly proves beyond a reasonable doubt that there was sufficient food in Ireland to prevent mass starvation.
The initial British government policy towards the famine was, in the view of historians such as F.S.L. Lyons, "very delayed and slow"[4]. Professor Joe Lee contends: "There was nothing unique (by the standards of pre-industrial subsistence crisis) about the [Irish] famine. The death rate had been frequently equalled in earlier European famines, including, possibly, in Ireland itself during the famine of 1740–41"[5]. This 1740–1741 famine is commonly referred to as The Forgotten Famine. Commonly, the government would encourage land owners to evict their tenants.
In the case of the 1846–49 Irish Famine, the response of Tory government head Sir Robert Peel was to purchase some foreign maize for delivery to Ireland, and to repeal the Corn Laws, which prohibited imports of the much cheaper foreign grain to Ireland. The Irish called the maize imported by the government 'Peel's brimstone' — and the nickname was only partly because of the yellow colour of the maize. The repeal of the Corn Laws was enacted over a three-year period from 1846 to 1849 and came too late to help the starving Irish, and was politically unpopular, resulting in the end of Sir Robert's ministry. Succeeding him was a Whig ministry under Lord John Russell, later Earl Russell. Lord John's ministry focused on providing support through "public works" projects. Such projects mainly consisted of the government employing Irish peasantry on wasteful projects, such as filling in valleys and flattening hills, so the government could justify the cash payments. Such projects proved counterproductive, as starving labourers expended the energy gained from low rations on the heavy labour. Furthermore, the paid labour prevented the Irish peasants from returning to their farmlands to grow another harvest and prolonged the famine. Eventually, a soup-kitchen network, which fed three million people, replaced the public works projects.
In the autumn of 1847, the soup-kitchens were shut down and responsibility for famine relief was transferred to the Poor Laws unions. The Irish Poor Laws were even harsher on the poor than their English counterparts; those paupers with over a quarter-acre of land were expected to abandon it before entering a workhouse — something many of the poor would not do. Furthermore, Ireland had too few workhouses. Many of the workhouses that existed were closed due to financial problems; authorities in London refused to give large amounts of aid to bankrupt Poor Laws unions. As a result, disaster became inevitable.
Wednesday, March 07, 2007
As Vermont Goes So Goes .... ?
I think that Illinois should do this too
Vermont Votes to Impeach Bush/Cheney
from Yahoo news
When Vermont Governor Jim Douglas, a Republican with reasonably close ties to President Bush, asked if there was any additional business to be considered at the town meeting he was running in Middlebury, Ellen McKay popped up and proposed the impeachment of Bush and Vice President.
The governor was not amused. As moderator of the annual meeting, he tried to suggest that the proposal to impeach -- along with another proposal to withdraw U.S. troops from Iraq -- could not be voted on.
But McKay, a program coordinator at Middlebury College, pressed her case. And it soon became evident that the crowd at the annual meeting shared her desire to hold the president to account.
So Douglas backed down.
"It became clear that no one was going home until they had the chance to discuss the resolutions and vote on them," explained David Rosenberg, a political science professor at Middlebury College. "And being a good politician, he allowed the vote to happen."
By an overwhelming voice vote, Middlebury called for impeachment.
So it has gone this week at town meetings across Vermont, most of which were held Tuesday.
Late Tuesday night, there were confirmed reports that 36 towns had backed impeachment resolutions, and the number was expected to rise.
In one town, Putney, the vote for impeachment was unanimous.
Jesus Wants You Sick
In his bracing little book on Secularization, Edward Norman, chancellor of York Minster, describes the conflict between Christianity and what he calls Secular Humanism by contrasting their attitudes toward suffering. Christianity "was founded in an act of expiatory pain, has regarded human suffering as not only inseparable from the nature of life on earth, as a matter of observable fact, but also as a necessary condition in spiritual formation." Christians seek, of course, to alleviate suffering, but God, not human suffering, is the center of the moral universe...This is a box outside of which Senator Obama cannot think, and this is why his agenda looks so thoroughly Clintonesque. Here’s a suggestion: If he wants to transform American politics, perhaps his next fund-raising letter should say something along the lines of 'Pain may be good for you.'
Fisherman's Blues
Scott found in Ireland new routes to travel in a search for what unites us and keeps us whole.
Live, this band produced two of the greatest nights of my concert-going life.
Here's what it was like:
W.B. Yeats
William Butler Yeats (13 June 1865 – 28 January 1939) was an Irish poet, dramatist, mystic and public figure, brother of the artist Jack Butler Yeats and son of John Butler Yeats. He signed his works W. B. Yeats. Yeats, though born to an Anglo-Irish mother and father, was perhaps the primary driving force behind the Irish Literary Revival and was co-founder of the Abbey Theatre[1]. Yeats also served as an Irish Senator. He was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1923 for what the Nobel Committee described as "his always inspired poetry, which in a highly artistic form gives expression to the spirit of a whole nation".
Yeats' early poetry drew heavily on Irish myth and folklore and drew on the diction and coloring of pre-Raphaelite verse. His major influence in these years - and probably throughout the rest of his career as well - was Percy Bysshe Shelley. In a late essay on Shelley he wrote, "I have re-read Prometheus Unbound... and it seems to me to have an even more certain place than I had thought among the sacred books of the world."In 1896, he was introduced to Lady Gregory by their mutual friend Edward Martyn, and she encouraged Yeats' nationalism and convinced him to continue focusing on writing drama. Although he was influenced by French Symbolism, Yeats consciously focused on an identifiably Irish content and this inclination was reinforced by his involvement with a new generation of younger and emerging Irish authors.
Together with Lady Gregory and Martyn and other writers including J M Synge, Sean O'Casey, and Padraic Colum, Yeats was one of those responsible for the establishment of the literary movement known as the Irish Literary Revival (otherwise known as the Celtic Revival).
One of the enduring achievements of the Revival was the setting up of the Abbey Theatre. In 1899 Yeats, Lady Gregory, Martyn and George Moore founded the Irish Literary Theatre. This survived for about two years but was not successful. However, working together with two Irish brothers with theatrical experience named William and Frank Fay, Yeats' unpaid-yet-independently wealthy secretary Annie Elizabeth Fredericka Horniman (a wealthy Englishwoman who had previously been involved in the presentation of George Bernard Shaw's Arms and the Man in London in 1894), and leading West End actress Florence Farr (who originated the part of Aleel in Cathleen Ní Houlihan), the group established the Irish National Theatre Society.This group of founders was also able, along with J M Synge, to acquire property in Dublin and open the Abbey Theatre on 27 December 1904. Yeats' play Cathleen Ní Houlihan and Lady Gregory's Spreading the News were featured on the opening night. Yeats continued to be involved with the Abbey up to his death, both as a member of the board and a prolific playwright.
The poetry of W.B. Yeats' middle period moved away from the Celtic Twilight mood of the earlier work. His political concerns moved away from cultural politics. In his early work, Yeats' aristocratic pose led to an idealisation of the Irish peasant and a willingness to ignore poverty and suffering. However, the emergence of a revolutionary movement from the ranks of the urban Catholic middle class made him reassess his attitudes.
Yeats' new direct engagement with politics can be seen in the poem September 1913, with its well-known refrain "Romantic Ireland's dead and gone,/It's with O'Leary in the grave." This poem is an attack on the Dublin employers who were involved in the famous 1913 lockout of workers who supported James Larkin's attempts to organise the Irish labour movement. In Easter 1916, with its equally famous refrain "All changed, changed utterly:/A terrible beauty is born", Yeats faces his own failure to recognise the merits of the leaders of the Easter Rising because of their humble backgrounds and lives.
After suffering from a variety of illnesses for a number of years, Yeats died at the Hôtel Idéal Séjour, in Menton, France on 28 January 1939, aged 73. The last poem he wrote was the Arthurian-themed The Black Tower.
Soon afterward, Yeats was first buried at Roquebrune-Cap-Martin, until, in accordance with his final wish, his body was moved to Drumcliffe, County Sligo in September, 1948, on the Irish Naval Service corvette L.E. Macha. His grave is a famous attraction in Sligo. His epitaph, which is the final line from one of his last poems, Under Ben Bulben is "Cast a cold Eye On life, on death; Horseman, pass by!" Of this location, Yeats said, "the place that has really influenced my life most is Sligo." The town is also home to a statue and memorial building in Yeats' honor
